Potomac Politics, Sooner-Style

Last week’s not-so-special legislative session was DC Gridlock 2.0: House and Senate leaders weren’t talking. Neither were Gov. Kevin Stitt and Senate President Pro Tem Greg Treat. Taxpayers were on the hook for the cost of nothing except political theater.

In retrospect, the Stitt-ordered conclave was doomed from the outset, given that necks were bowed and egos unbridled. The only real surprise was it took less than a full workday for senators to clock out and go home.

“We think that’s just a sign of throwing in the towel and giving up,” McCall told reporters. “If the Senate wants to do that, that’s their prerogative to do it. We’re not ready to do that.”

Frosty House-Senate relations are hardly uncommon, of course. After all, successful governing requires bridging [often sharply] differing points of view.

But what complicates current statehouse decision-making is that five years into his governorship, Stitt hasn’t come to grips with the reality of co-equal government branches or learned the lessons of political leadership.

He still operates as if he’s a private company CEO: Bark orders. Expect results. Fire those who don’t jump when the boss commands.

Except … the members of House and Senate don’t work for him. They are hired by the voters in their districts. Their priorities might be different than Stitt’s. #ImagineThat

Wouldn’t a governor think it wise to confer with Senate and House leaders before ordering the two chambers into special session to consider an issue as thorny as tax cuts?

Instead, Stitt publicly announced the date for a special session, then did little else but post social media declarations to the effect “we can afford” it.

On the day the extra session convened, the governor hosted a news conference featuring McCall and America’s premier anti-tax zealot, Grover Norquist, rather than heed requests he publicly detail his plans to the Senate Appropriations Committee.

Why choose a media briefing over meeting with senators? The governor is in control of sessions with reporters. He can answer what he wants, ignore what he doesn’t, and wrap things up in a nanosecond if he judges the atmosphere too contentious. He would lose that control in a Senate hearing.

Treat torched Stitt’s refusal to publicly meet with senators, calling it “the height of irony and hypocrisy to put in a call for budget transparency and then say, ‘I am willing to meet behind closed doors with your caucus, but I am not willing to meet in an open meeting.’”

That’s just Stitt being Stitt.

What was far more revealing about was McCall’s embrace “voodoo economics” – the debunked “trickle-down” economic theory that cutting taxes for wealthy individuals and rich corporations magically generates more tax revenue.

Eyeing the 2026 governor’s race, McCall must have concluded tax cuts are a sure winner with voters. Maybe, maybe not. It was only five years ago that an economic downturn forced distraught lawmakers to reverse some previous tax cuts to keep vital state services funded. Now, Oklahoma’s economy again shows signs of slowing – five straight months of lower-than-expected general revenue.

If the trend continues, it wouldn’t take long for the state’s overflowing accounts to be drained, just like in years past. Even a mere .25 percentage point cut would cost the state treasury $95 million this year and $240 million next.

And for what? The median Oklahoma family would see savings of 9.3 cents a day – not enough to even cover the cost of a Happy Meal a month.

How about the governor and lawmakers instead prioritize investing in state services vital to the vast majority of their constituents, rather than cutting taxes that deliver a windfall to the wealthiest few?